Wednesday, 9 December 2015

Which way with the minimum and maximum land holding acreages bill 2015?

 
It is worth noting that the mandate of control of public land is constitutionally vested in the National Land Commission (NLC), with the exception of incidental matters of historical injustices, with private land. Thus, the determination of minimum and maximum acreage, individual or private persons be they natural or juridical may own, is a preserve of the Chief Land Registrar. Historically, control of land was compartmentalized into agricultural land control and land planning control. There was no specific control of the amount of acreage that a private person was entitled to or in the derivative disentitled to. This is purely a new phenomenon that has been necessitated by the phenomena of massive and threatening landlessness, which in the wider sense is also a historical injustice in nature.
In order to further control irresponsible usage and ownership of land, the Government was further empowered through Land Acquisition Act (Cap 295). This among other reasons would be done in the interest of public benefit. Public participation has thus remained a prerequisite in matters related to land ownership though in form, except for this time the law should entrench it in substance to accord to Article 1 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, all sovereign power belongs to the people, and must be exercised in their name and interest. This legislation is thus intent on curing the mischief occasioned by landlessness and secondly, the senseless holding of productive land without putting it to use while multitudes are deprived of the privilege of putting such big factor of production into strategic economic use.
Taxation Regime

In the United States of America, the control of acreage has been constructively done through the taxation regime. The bigger the land you own the higher the tax and the idler it is the further the tax increases. This has had the effect of discouraging hoarding the Land for speculative purposes. However, the bigger question in the current Bill is the viability of the method of regulation proposed in the legislation; this is the Part IV of the Bill. It does not propose either the minimum size or the maximum size that a person is entitled to. This is absurd since this part is the thrust of both the short and the long title of the Bill.


The foregoing notwithstanding, the Bill has made attempts in PART II at proposing a method and procedure for determining minimum and maximum acreages, only falling shy of placing an exact size that is discernable by the humble grassroots farmers. It has prescribed a litany of methodologies that make the Bill user-unfriendly. Instead of placing acquisition of property subject to satisfaction of an individual’s democratic tax obligation, it proposes creation of abstract mathematical formulae to be commissioned by the Cabinet Secretary as the basis of determination. This is an extreme antithesis as it is neither a constant nor a variable within the market forces of demand and supply that determine price margin for commodity value.

Actually it proposes several bureaucratic nuances that will only serve to move the matter from a simpler comprehension to a more complicated and further sophisticated process. This is done in the names of creation of Land Control Committees in PART III of the Bill. In fact it provides us with the classic example of the phrase the more things change the more they remain the same. It is typical reintroduction of the land Control Boards under the defunct provincial administration system. Is it the novel way of enhancing efficient effective and economic land management process? I guess not, for new wine in an old wine skin does not improve the broth. It will do well to consolidate Cap 318 Laws of Kenya and Cap 302 Laws of Kenya and amalgamate it with the taxation aspects to inject marginal diminishing appetite for land for its own sake.

Land Control Bill
I propose that the title of the Bill should be reviewed and renamed Land Control Bill 2015 with inclusion of strategic and progressive aspects of Agricultural Act (Cap 318) and the Land Control Act Cap (302) which of necessity should take into consideration progressive provisions in the County Government Act as well as the Urban Areas and Cities Act. Consequently, land whose owners may not meet the democratically imposed tax obligation may be reversed to the Land Commission upon prompt compensation. The compensation in this regard need not be adequate but sufficient enough to cover the cost of any improvement placed on the Land.

With this approach the Bill will optimize the return of much misused private land to the government for strategic future planning and use. Ultimately, it is my humble thesis that the Bill should be withdrawn and relooked in light of the progressive strategies that will encourage prudent, efficient, effective and economic use that accord with the democratic principles of the Constitution.

-Mr. Odhiambo is the Law Society
of Kenya (LSK) Deputy Secretary (Parliamentary Affairs & Legislation)

Monday, 7 December 2015

Why our National Anthem and flag will save us from Al-Shabaab





“Terrorism is a global phenomenon. And it baffles the mind. Unlike crime as we know it—say theft, where a person steals to gain something— terrorism mostly does not engender material gain and is mostly precipitated by religious or political extremism.” Mr. Salem Lorot



The Bard, William Shakespeare, through the lips of Henry in one of his plays Henry V, tells Gloucester before the battle of Agincourt, “Tis true that we are in great danger; the greater therefore should our courage be.” In the same vein, as a country, like Sebastian to Alonso in Tempest, from the deepest recesses of our being we let out these words: “But one fiend at a time, I’ll fight their legions o’er.” And fight the legion of terrorism we must— courageously but intelligently.

Terrorism is a global phenomenon. And it baffles the mind. Unlike crime as we know it—say theft, where a person steals to gain something— terrorism mostly does not engender material gain and is mostly precipitated by religious or political extremism. It then leads me to ask, “Why should a fellow human kill the other?” It still boggles my mind how another human would first blow up unarmed, peace-loving humans then blow up himself or herself. I am still grappling with these questions.

Mad Mullah

With Kenya’s incursion into Somalia,I have taken a keen interest in knowing more about this failed state. Of Bakol. Hiran. Belet Weyne. Galgadud. Dusa Mareb. Mudug. Galkayu. Nugal. Puntland. Bulohawo. Digil Mirifle Region. Algoi. Bur. Benadir. Merca. Of pastoral life of the Somalis. Of Sayyid Mohamed Abdille Hassan (the‘Mad Mullah’) who led a holy war against ‘infidel’ colonisers—especially Ethiopians and British. Of the birth of Djibouti in 1977 under President Hassan Guleid. Of the birth of the Somaliland Republic.

Of Somalia’s post 1991 political history after the overthrow of President Siyad Barre by the United Somali Congress (Hawiye) guerrillas. Of the Operation Restore Hope of 1992 by the United Nations. Of the Transitional Federal Government since 2005. The reason why I am retreating into Somalia’s history is to illustrate the point that the fight against terrorism is multi-faceted. In order to effectively deal with Al Shabaab, we need to understand Somalia and its nuances in the national psyche. We should feel its pulse at Mogadishu. It appears that as a country we have a disjointed knowledge of the Horn of Africa and an ineffective response mechanism for the Somalia question and now the Al Shabaab.


Al-Qa’ida

In Al-Qaida’s Mis(Adventures) in the Horn of Africa, a project of Combat Terrorism Centre, there are important lessons to be learnt. The report cites four reasons why Kenya is a target of terrorists:

 1) due to Kenya’s advanced economy and its long-standing ties with the United Kingdom, United States, and Israel;
 2) a functioning Kenyan sovereign government which limits the operational freedom of Western intelligence and counterterrorism units;
3) Kenya suffers from weak governance in a number of critical areas, including security and the criminal justicesystem. This discourages those Kenyans who might have relevant information from providing it to the authorities;
4) the presence of a disaffected minority Muslim population, especially along the Kenyan coast, provides Al-Qa’ida operatives an environment in which they can operate with less security pressure than elsewhere in the region. Although the report’s findings are on Al-Qa’ida, it would be safe to say that the issues enumerated still apply to the Al-Shabaab. It should be noted that the greatest challenge we face today in combating terrorism is within our borders as terrorists might find logistical challenge to wage their unconventional war in Somalia.

The report observes, “Weakly governed states often provide a more conducive environment for terrorists. Their sovereignty provides a measure of protection against strikes by Western forces.” Finally, in our fight against Al- Shabaab, we need to infuse within ourselves a good dose of patriotism. Our nation needs it. Direly.

-Mr. Lorot is a Legal Counsel, National Assembly